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Saturday, 9 January 2010

The RSS: The Force Behind Nanakshahi Change

The RSS: The Force Behind Nanakshahi Change
WSN Bureau

It was Sardar Patel of the Congress who had written that “I am thoroughly convinced that the RSS men can carry on their patriotic endeavour only by joining the Congress and not by keeping separate or opposing.” It is Prakash Singh Badal who has written that "I have always maintained that the SAD-BJP alliance in Punjab and at the Centre is more than a political arrangement. It represents the social and emotional harmony of Punjab.” At a time when Akal Takht has already declared RSS as the Enemy Number One of the Sikh Nation, with what face does Prakash Singh Badal have an alliance with the RSS-BJP? Clearly, the deeply entrenched RSS-backed forces have succeeded in depriving the Quom of its distinctive Nanakshahi Calendar.

Sardar Parkash Singh Badal is very proud of his relationship with the BJP. It is something he defines as more than a political alliance. His favorite phrase for this is "brotherly alliance": "Bharawan Di Saanjh". He has never written a single article about Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, or a single lament about Operation Bluestar. He never picked up a pen to write about denial of justice to victims of the 1984 genocide of the Sikhs, but as the World Sikh News brought out in its last edition, he has written an article in praise of a man who takes pride in being a lifelong member of the RSS -- AB Vajpayee.

As per Badal, “If I have to pick one national leader as the ultimate embodiment of the widest political consensus in the country, it will have to be Atalji.”

Since Prakash Singh Badal's Akali Dal has a brute majority in the SGPC and has ensured earlier this week that the Sikh Nation buckles before the demands being orchestrated by deep RSS lobbies within the panthic ranks and has changed the Nanakshahi Calendar, it is the best time to engage with how the RSS past has been, and how such an organization managed to stay lawful and accepted in India despite leading an explicitly hatred-filled agenda.

Twice in India the RSS was banned. Once, on February 4, 1948, after the murder of Mahatma Gandhi, and second time during the Emergency on July 4, 1975.

Here is what the government communique of February 4, 1948, announcing the ban, said:

“The professed aims and objects of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh are to promote the physical, intellectual and moral well-being of the Hindus and also to foster feelings of the brotherhood, love and service amongst them. Government themselves are most anxious to approve the general material and intellectual well-being of all sections of the people and have got schemes on hand which are designed to carry out the objects, particularly the provision of physical training and education in military matters to the youth of the country. Government have, however, noticed with regret that in practice members of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh have not adhered to their professed ideals.

“Undesirable and even dangerous activities have been carried on by the members of the Sangh. It has been found that in several parts of the country individual members of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh have indulged in acts of violence involving arson, robbery, dacoity and murder and have collected illicit arms and ammunitions. They have been found circulating leaflets, exhorting people to resort to terrorist methods, to collect firearms, to create disaffection against the government and suborn the police and military.”

Read vintage Golwalker, the then chief of the RSS: “I tried my utmost to see that between the Congress, which is capable of delivering goods in the political field and is at present the ruling party, and the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh in the cultural field, …there be no bad blood, there be only everlasting mutual love, one supplementing and complementing the other, both meeting in a sacred confluence.” Of course today they meet in a “confluence”, sacred or not, and also joining this confluence is the Akali Dal of Badals.

Golwalkar claimed that the RSS was law-abiding and would “carry on its activities within the bounds of law”. He was arrested on February 1 and was released on August 6, 1948, but his movements were restricted to Nagpur. Five days later he wrote to Nehru and Patel complaining against the restrictions.

On September 27, A.V. Pai replied from the Prime Minister’s Secretariat that “Government have a great deal of evidence in their possession to show that the RSS were engaged in activities which were anti-national and prejudicial from the point of view of public good. Just before the banning of the RSS he (Mr. Nehru) is informed that the U.P. government sent you a note on some of the evidence they have collected about such activities of the RSS in U.P. Other provinces have also such evidence in their possession. Even after the ban we have received information about the undesirable activities of the old members of the RSS. This information continues to come to us even now. You will appreciate that in view of this, the government cannot consider the RSS as such a harmless organisation from the public point of view.”

Golwalkar demanded (November 3) an inquiry. By now the restriction had been lifted for the sole purpose of permitting him to visit Delhi and lay his case before the government. However, his request for an interview with Nehru was refused. While declining the interview, Nehru (November 10) made a telling point: “It would appear that the declared objectives have little to do with the real ones and with the activities carried on in various forms and ways by people associated with the RSS. These real objectives appear to be completely opposed to the decisions of the Indian Parliament and the provisions of the proposed Constitution, anti-national and often subversive and violent.”

Mark the words. "Declared objectives have little to do with the real ones". Which part of it is not true today? The BJP's newly appointed president Nitin Gadkari has taken upon himself to defend Narendra Modi. He is going all out to project Modi, under whose watch the killings of the Muslims in Gujarat took place, as the Vikas Purash of India. It is with such a party that Prakash Singh Badal is proud of his association.

Even after the ban, Patel was keen to absorb the RSS within the Congress. Yet, he was not too forthcoming when his Hindu Mahasabhaite colleague in the Cabinet, Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, began pestering him to be soft on the RSS and the Mahasabha. Patel wrote to Mookerjee on July 18 that “our reports do confirm that, as a result of the activities of these two bodies, particularly the former (the RSS), an atmosphere was created in the country in which such a ghastly tragedy (Gandhi’s assassination) became possible. There is no doubt in my mind that the extreme section of the Hindu Mahasabha was involved in this conspiracy. The activities of the RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence of government and the state. Our reports show that those activities, despite the ban, have not died down. Indeed, as time has marched on, the RSS circles are becoming more defiant and are indulging in their subversive activities in an increasing measure.”

Clearly, this was the compromise between the Congress and the RSS. Both catered to the radicalised, communal Hindu sentiments and did not want to lose this important chunk of Indian electorate. With Congress assuming a left of Centre position and leaving the right of centre to the RSS-Janasangh or the modern day BJP, the entire Hindutva flank can be covered. It is his cooperation, collusion and teaming up with such a flank that Prakash Singh Badal is so proud of.

That there is a deeply entrenched soft Hindutva forever etched inside the Congress is clear from Patel’s reply to Golwalkar less than two months later, on September 11.

Addressing him as “Brother Golwalkar” (the latter’s letter was addressed to “Hon’ble Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel”), the Sardar recalled his speech at Jaipur in December 1947 in which he had spoken very gently of the RSS (“patriots who love their country”). He regretted that this had no effect on the Sangh: “There can be no doubt that the RSS did service to the Hindu Society.... But the objectionable part arose when they, burning with revenge, began attacking Musalmans. Organising the Hindus and helping them is one thing, but going in for revenge for its sufferings on innocent and helpless men, women and children is quite another thing.” He added: “All their speeches were full of communal poison.” Patel reminded Golwalkar that RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhi’s death. He squarely charged that “as a final result of the poison the country had to suffer the sacrifice of the invaluable life of Gandhi”.

But the Sardar, nonetheless, made a strange proposal for reasons of his own: “I am thoroughly convinced that the RSS men can carry on their patriotic endeavour only by joining the Congress and not by keeping separate or opposing.” He had the restriction lifted and Golwalkar came to Delhi.

Prakash Singh Badal finds it easy to look for an enemy in the Congress and a friend in the RSS-BJP. Why he cannot see what is visible to even the political novices is beyond any understanding unless Badal is being a hypocrite. Clearly, he is being one.

When the talks did not succeed, on November 2, 1948, Golwalkar announced the failure in public statements outlining his stand. Three days later he replied to Sardar Patel’s proposal in terms which are very significant. They were the basis on which he later supported the creation of the Jan Sangh, the ancestor of the BJP: “I tried my utmost to see that between the Congress, which is capable of delivering goods in the political field and is at present the ruling party, and the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh in the cultural field, which has achieved success in creating a matchless spirit of patriotism, brotherhood and selflessness among the people, there be no bad blood, there be only everlasting mutual love, one supplementing and complementing the other, both meeting in a sacred confluence.”

So, even though the talks had failed and Golwalkar was ordered to go back to Nagpur, the intentions have come on record for the posterity. The Congress till date has been delivering goods in the political field and the RSS has been polluting the cultural field. The recent changes effected in the Nanakshahi Calendar are the latest proof of this cultural pollution.

This what PM Nehru’s office wrote to the RSS chief: “Government have a great deal of evidence in their possession to show that the RSS were engaged in activities which were anti-national and prejudicial from the point of view of public good.”

Here is the Indian Home Ministry's statement of November 14, 1948 recording what had transpired in Golwalkar’s two interviews with Sardar Patel and the former’s refusal to alter the Sangh’s ways: “The information received by the Government of India shows that the activities carried on in various forms and ways by the people associated with the RSS tend to be antinational and often subversive and violent and that persistent attempts are being made by the RSS to revive an atmosphere in the country which was productive of such disastrous consequences in the past.” It added: “He has written letters both to the Prime Minister and Home Minister explaining inter alia that the RSS agrees entirely with the conception of a secular state for India and that it accepts the National Flag of the country and requesting that the ban imposed on the organisation in February should now be lifted. These professions of the RSS leader are, however, quite inconsistent with the practice of his followers and for the reason already explained above, the Government of India find themselves unable to advise Provincial Governments to lift the ban.”

The government issued a communique on July 11, 1949, announcing the lifting of the ban. It recorded the RSS leader’s clarifications and said: “In the light of the modifications made and clarifications given by the RSS leader, the Government of India have come to the conclusion that the RSS organisation should be given an opportunity to function as a democratic, cultural organisation owing loyalty to the Indian Constitution and recognising the National Flag eschewing secrecy and abjuring violence.”

Clearly, this was the compromise between the Congress and the RSS. Both catered to the radicalised, communal Hindu sentiments and did not want to lose this important chunk of Indian electorate. With Congress assuming a left of Centre position and leaving the right of centre to the RSS-Janasangh or the modern day BJP, the entire Hindutva flank can be covered.

It is his cooperation, collusion and teaming up with such a flank that Prakash Singh Badal is so proud of. Badal's words as a study in obsequousness:

"After the elections, a BJP-led government was to be formed at the Centre with Mr Vajpayee as Prime Minister. They were looking for allies. I realized that this was a crucial and even a historic moment to undo the feelings of mutual suspicion. The Shiromani Akali Dal had swept the polls in Punjab. We went over to Mr Vajpayee's residence and announced unconditional support to him. Vajpayeeji embraced me in front of a large gathering that had come to his residence to express solidarity with him. A picture of Vajpayeeji and me on Page 1 of a prominent national daily the next morning did more to bridge the emotional chasm that had been created between Hindus and Sikhs. It was an emotional moment... I can never adequately explain what our coming together has done for creating an atmosphere of mutual goodwill in Punjab."

If this was the Badals' turn for turning obsequous, they were only taking a leaf out of the RSS own book. When the RSS was banned for the second time, the letters that the then RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras had written to Indira Gandhi during the Emergency were cringing: “I have heard the speech you delivered on August 15, 1975, from the Red Fort, Delhi on AIR. The speech was balanced and befitting to the occasion and has prompted me to write this letter to you,” he wrote on August 22. He concluded: “I beseech you to rescind the ban imposed upon the RSS.” Deoras wrote to Indira Gandhi again on July 16, praising her foreign policy and renewing his plea on the ban. Both letters were ignored.

Deoras’ letters to S.B. Chavan were as abject. He wrote on June 6, 1976, asking Chavan for “release on parole with a view to clarifying certain issues directly to you”. The entreaty was repeated on July 12, 1976. None of the letters elicited a reply.

When the Emergency was over, and the RSS prospered during the Janata era, Prakash Singh Badal was among the key politicians that lent credibility to the Janasangh. When the Janasangh walked out of the Janata Party to form the Bharatiya Janata Party, Prakash Singh Badal did not lose a single opportunity to underline his close links with LK Advani or AB Vajpayee.

When the Akal Takht in recent past declared the RSS to be the Enemy Number One of the Sikh Nation, Prakash Singh Badal did his level best to get the hukumnama deferred or withdrawn. So far he has only succeeded in not letting this Hukumnama come to the forefront.

Now when the Justice Liberhan Commission also says that the BJP and the RSS are but one, and that there was no way the BJP can go out of the command and control structure of the RSS, one thing is very clear: Punjab's ruling Akali Dal of Parkash Singh Badal-Sukhbir Singh Badal has an alliance with a party that is an appendage of the RSS, described by the Akal Takht as Enemy Number One of the Sikhs.

So what is Akali Dal? Enemy Number Two of the Sikhs?

No wonder Mr Badal has written: "If I have to pick one national leader as the ultimate embodiment of the widest political consensus in the country, it will have to be Atalji." Whatever happened to a social construct called "Shame"?

RSS: The Agent Provocateur

RSS has been raising provocative issues every now and then, keeping up the pressure on India's minorities and sending signals that unless they agree tolive in a subdued manner with second class citizen status, there will be trouble.

Not so long ago, its leader K.S. Sudarshan said minority status for Muslims and Christians in India should be scrapped. "Ninety-nine per cent of Muslims and Christians in this country were born here. So why do they call themselves minorities?" he asked.

Every now and then, the right-wing umbrella saffron body of Rashtriya Swamsewak Sangh (RSS) considers it prudent to mention that the Sikhs are a part of the larger Hindu samaj.

Last year, the RSS had said it was putting to rest earlier controversies by redefining its stand on the Sikh faith, but merely reiterated that Sikhism is a separate religion but part of the larger Hindu samaj. The statement only complicated matters further with the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) adopting a hard stance and objecting to this view, but not moving an inch to counter it.

“We regard the Sikh religion as a separate religion, but we regard the Sikh people as belonging to our samaj.When we say that they are a part of the one great Hindu samaj, we do not deny the existence of their separate religion and separate beliefs.The Hindu samaj is a commonwealth of many religions,” the RSS official website stated.

It also said that the RSS held the belief that the Hindu Code Bill is applicable to Sikhs, Jains and Buddhista alike and it should be applicable to others like Christians and Muslims too.

Sikhs have often reacted sharply and have asserted that they have their own separate identity and are not a part of the Hindu samaj. The Sikhs have also been demanding that they should not be covered under the Hindu Marriage Act and that the government should implement the Anand Marriage Act while accepting Sikhs as a separate Nation.

In what may not be to the liking ot the Akalis, allies of the BJP, the Sangh has also expressed the view that it sees a “problem” of minorities assume a political character.

“The majority-minority distinctions must be restricted to the bases on which the minority character is sought to be claimed ... The problem arises when a particular minority transgresses the basis of its minority character and assumes a political one,”it said.

Voices against the RSS have often emerged from among the Diaspora too. At a human rights conference in Southall last October, a number of communities came together as a front against Hindutva terrorism backed by organisations like the RSS in India. Muslim, Christian, Buddhist, Jain and Sikh community leaders included Lord Nazir Ahmed, Avtar Singh Sanghra(Babbar), Tarsem singh (British Sikh council), Gurcharan Singh (Dal Khalsa), Manmohan Singh Khalsa (World Muslim Sikh Federation), Nazar Lodhi (World Muslim Sikh Federation), Sonil (Buddhist community India), Dr Mokel Hazaraka (Assam watch) Hindu community leader, Amdad Husain (Star News) and Adran Chada (British Muslim Youth Federation UK).

All the leaders collectively wanted a ban on the RSS and said there was certainly no place for such an organisation in the UK which stood for human rights and tolerance for all communities.

In the light of the increased activities of the RSS in the United Kingdom in gathering funds, political backing and spreading their hate ideology, the World Muslim Sikh Federation even petitioned Prime Minister Gordon Brown to ban the group, freeze its assets and its funding.

The RSS influences the policies of every single political party in India, be it the Congress, BJP and so on. The RSS has recently increased its activities within the UK against Sikhs and other groups, such as Muslims. By creating tension between Sikhs and Muslims for no apparent reason, they have also tried to divide these two communities from within by causing internal conflict.

Wednesday, 6 January 2010

Dal Khalsa UK Honours Shaheed Satwant Singh & Shaheed Kehar Singh

Dal Khalsa honours Shaheed Bhai Satwant Singh who eliminated Indira Gandhi alongside Shaheed Bhai Beant Singh - He was hanged on this day 21 yrs ago alongside Shaheed Bhai Kehar Singh

We remember & honour Shaheed Bhai Satwant Singh & Shaheed Bhai Keher Singh who were hanged today by India 21 yrs ago, January 6th 1989.Shaheed Satwant Singh Shot dead Indira Gandhi the wicked Brahmin Witch on 31st October 1984 in Revenge for her attack on the Sikh Nation & her terrorist assaults on our Shrines.

Monday, 4 January 2010

Maharaja Jassa Singh Ramgarhia

Ramgarhia was born Jassa Singh Thoka at Ichogil village in 1723, near the city of Amritsar into a sudar family. His grandfather, Baba Hardas Singh was a resident of Sur Singh, a large village in the Lahore district. He was the first sikh in the family,baba jee was feed up hindu caste system and its social and reliogious structure.he converted to sikhism took amrit (the Sikh baptismal oath) from the hands of Guru Gobind Singh, the initiator of the Pahul tradition who bestowed the original Panj Piares. Giving up his work as a ploughman, he became one of the Guru's personal attendants.he learnt about sikhi from tenth master.he learnt about religion and polotics from Guru Gobind Singh.

Baba je took major leassons from tow main events in sikh histroy,which took place in his life time.first one was the shaheede of guru gobind singh jee and sons.in paticular the Mata Gujri ji and his two younger sons, Sahibzada Zorawar Singh and Sahibzada Fateh Singh shaeede.

When Satguru Gobind Singh Ji left Sri Anandpur Sahib in 1704, Gangu took the lost Mata Gujar Kaur, alias Mata Gujri Ji, and two younger sons, to his village of Kherhi. After offering them shelter (as Hindus say , a guest is to be treated like a God) he went to the athorities, his three guests were arrested, and he was given a reward from the Governor of Sirhind.

This is the true explanation about Gangu who proved himself unworthy of the trust the Guru's family had placed in him not only as the families cook, but in their most urgent time of need. His treachery sealed the fate of the Guru's mother and the two youngest Lions, the Sahibzadis; the youngest Shaheedan who held firm to their fate, freely chosing death rather than bending to the swords of tryanny. In a twist of fate Gangu may have been an ancestor of the family of Kashmiri Pandits who changed their name to reflect their receicving a gift of a jagir which included a canal, for which the family name was changed, as the 'Nehru' family records say.

Secondly the creation of the Khalsa caused created a sense of unity among the Sikhs and their supporters. This unity and the resulting perceived strength in the Sikhs did not go well with the local rulers. The continuous gatherings at Anandpur sahib and the presence of many thousands of the congregation, some armed with fierce weapons caused anguish with the surrounding hill Rajas. These developments most alarmed the caste ridden Rajput chiefs of the Sivalik hills. They perceived the Sikhs as lower caste beings who had posed no danger to their authority. However, the creation of the Khalsa changed that. Firstly, it disturbed their system of discrimination and division; secondly, they could see that the forces of the Guru were becoming dangerous in number and in armaments.

They hence rallied under the leadership of the Raja of Bilaspur, in whose territory lay Anandpur, to forcibly evict Guru Gobind Singh from his hilly citadel. Their repeated expeditions during 1700-04 however proved abortive. The Khalsa forces were too strong to be dealt with by the hill Rajas. They at last petitioned Emperor Aurangzeb for help. In concert with contingents sent under imperial orders by the governor of Lahore and those of the faujdar of Sirhind, they marched upon Anandpur and laid a siege to the fort in May 1705.These were sons of the same hill raja guru je freed from prison .Guru Hargobind Ji, who was freed from imprisonment and also managed to release 52 Hindu Kings (political prisoners) at the same time from the famous fort of Gwalior by making clever use of Emperor Jahangir's orders to allow any who could hold on to the Gurus coat tails to leave the fort with the Guru (October, 1619).

Baba hardas singh ji learnt a great lesson from these two events.he learnt about the hearted that bramins towards sikhism and belived them to be bigest threat to sikhism.he taught this lesson to his jatha which later became misel ramgharia,which was one main reason fro the oppositionmisel ramgharia by other misels.

In 1716 his grandfather, Hardas Singh died in a skirmish. His son, Bhagwan Singh then became the head of the family, and with two hundred followers entered the Imperial Mughal forces under the Governor of Lahore—Khan Bahadur. Where owing to his abilities he became a distinguished officer. During Nadir Shah invasion of in 1739 he died in a battle near Lahore. Khan Bahadur surrendered to the Persian invader's forces and was left in place as Governor.Bhagwan Singh had five sons, Jai Singh, Jassa Singh, Khushal Singh, Mali Singh and Tara Singh. Jassa Singh, the eldest, now became the head of the family. He was appointed a Risaldar by Khan Bahadur. He and his brothers were given the following five villages (one village to each brother): Valla went to Jassa Singh, his four brothers were given Verka, Sultanwind, Tung and Chabba. All of these are now in the Amritsar district. On the death of Khan Bahadur in 1746, Jassa Singh, together with his followers, joined his Sikh brethren at Amritsar.

The Ramgarhia Misl
In 1716 Ahmed Shah Durrane left Lahore, Adina Beg the Afghan Governor of Punjab was hunting for the heads of the sikhs, they dispersed and scattered in all directions. Jassa Singh and others in the band took refuge in the mud fort of Ram Rauni near Amritsar where they were surrounded and attacked during the ensuing period. In 1758 Adina Beg died and there was a power vacuum in Punjab and those who escaped from fort of Ram Rauni assumed the name of Ramgarhias and Jassa Singh became its head.The Misal ( Confederacy) was called Ramgarhia .
The main concentration of the Misl was in and around the Riarki area of Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Batala (in Majha). Ramgarhia constructed and fortified the mud fortress of Ram Rauni just outside Amritsar. It was named in honour of the founder of the city, the fourth Sikh Guru, Guru Ram Das. His Misl contained more than 10000 cavalry who were always on the move, helping the Dal Khalsa whenever the Mughals or Afghans attacked. Whilst the Mughal administration controlled the cities, it were the Sikhs who were in control of the villages. Twenty years earlier, Banda Bahadur had wreaked havoc on the Mughal administration by abolishing all taxes and the Zamindari system. Now only a "dasvand" (10% of income)was levied on the Sikhs - as protection tax to pay for the armies. Maharaja sr.jassa singh ramgarhia was 1st sikh maharaja and Hargobindpur was his capial.

Mir Mannu becomes the new Subedar of the Punjab
Mir Mannu became the new governor of the Punjab on April 9, 1748. He appointed Kaura Mal as his new Diwan (minister). After taking control of the administration of the provinces, he employed his army to fight the Sikh misls or fighting orders. The Sikhs left the territory and moved to other states. The Sikh Chiefs asked Jassa Singh Ramgarhia to liaise with the subedar(governor) of the Jullundur Doab, Adina Beg Khan. While drawing his salary from Mughals, Adina Beg Khan joined forces with the Jassa Singh Ramgarhia against the Mughals.

The siege of Ram Rauni

The Sikhs gathered in Amritsar on Diwali,1748. Adina Beg proceeded towards Amritsar and besieged Ram Rauni. Mir Mannu came down from Lahore with an army to assist Beg in the siege.Jassa Singh used the good offices of Diwan Kaura Mal and had the siege lifted. The fort was strengthened and re-named Ramgarh. Jassa Singh, having been designated the Jathedar of the fort, became popular as Ramgarhia.

Fighting tyranny

Mannu intensified his violence and oppression against the Sikhs. There were only 900 Sikhs when he surrounded the Ramgarh fort again. The Sikhs fought their way out bravely. The army demolished the fort. The hunt for and torture of the Sikhs continued until Mannu died in 1753.
Manu’s death left Punjab without any effective Governor. It was again an opportune period for the Sikhs to organize themselves and gain strength. Jassa Singh rebuilt the fort and took possession of some areas around Amritsar. The Sikhs took upon themselves the task of protecting the people in the villages from the invaders. The money they obtained from the people was called Rakhi (protection charges).
The new Governor, Prince Timur, the son of Ahmed Shah Abdali, despised the Sikhs. In 1757, he again forced the Sikhs to vacate the fort and move to their hiding places. The fort was demolished, the Harimandir was blown up, and the sacred pool was filled with debris. The Governor decided to replace Adina Beg. Beg asked the Sikhs for help and they both got a chance to weaken their common enemy. Adina Beg won the battle. The Sikhs rebuilt Ramgarh and repaired the Harimandir. Beg was well acquainted with the strength of the Sikhs and he feared they would oust him if he allowed them to grow stronger, so he lead a strong army to demolish the fort. After fighting valiantly, the Sikhs decided to leave the fort. Beg died in 1758.

The Ramgarhia Misl Estate

Jassa Singh Ramgarhia occupied the area to the north of Amritsar between the Ravi and the Beas rivers. He also added the Jalandhar region and Kangra hill areas to his estate. He had his capital in Sri Hargobindpur. The large size of Jassa Singh’s territory aroused the jealousy of the other Sikh Misls.
Intra Misl wars
Baba hardas singh ji grandfather of jassa singh jee taught his jatha which later became misel ramgharia,that braminism was the biggest threat to sikhism.which was one main reason fro the opposition misel ramgharia by other misels.

But ramgharia jee had no hate his sikhs brother which was seen when, Ahluwalia while hunting one day, happened to enter Ramgarhia territory where Jassa Singh’s brother arrested him. Jassa Singh apologized for the misbehavior of his brother, and honorably returned Ahluwalia with gifts. However, their old differences increased further. The other chiefs also took a grim view of this act.
Due to mutual jealousies, fights continued among the Sikh Sardars. In 1776, the Bhangis changed sides and joined Jai Singh to defeat Jassa Singh. His capital at Sri Hargobindpur was taken over and he and his forces were pursued from village to village. Finally he lost all his territory. He choose to cross the river Satluj, going over to Amar Singh, the ruler of Patiala.

Amar Singh welcomed the Ramgarhia sardar in order to make use of his bravery, fighting skill, and ruling experience. He gave him the areas of Hansi and Hissar which Jassa Singh handed over to his son. He himself joined Amar Singh to take control of the villages on the west and north of Delhi, now forming parts of Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. Jassa Singh Ramgarhia entered Delhi in 1783. Shah Alam II, the Mughal emperor, extended him a warm welcome. Ramgarhia left Delhi after receiving gifts from him.

Meanwhile to the north, differences over how to divide the Jammu state revenues, resulted in long time friends and neighbours Maha Singh, Jathedar of the Sukerchakia Misl and Jai Singh, Jathedar of the Kanahya Misl, becoming enemies. This rancor resulted in a war which would change the course of Sikh history.Maha Singh requested Jassa Singh Ramgarhia's aid. In the ensuing battle, Jai Singh Kanahya lost his son, Gurbaksh Singh in the fighting with the Sukerchakias and the Ramgarhias.

The unification of the Misls
Sada Kaur, the newly widowed wife of Gurbaksh Singh, proved to be a great statesperson. Seeing the end of Khalsa power if such internescine battles continued, she now worked to unite the waring misls in order to form a united, formidablé force. She was able to convince Maha Singh to adopt the path of friendship by offering the hand of her daughter, then only a child, to his son, himself just a young boy, Ranjit Singh the future Maharaja of the Punjab. The balance of power now shifted in favor of this united Misl as other sardars also joined the union. Ranjit Singh was now the leader of the most powerful Sikh Misl ever.

Establishment of the Sikh Kingdom of the Punjab

When the Afghan invader, Shah Zaman, came in 1788, the Sikhs, however, were still divided. The Ramgarhia and Bhangi Misls were not willing to help Ranjit Singh because of his links with hindu hill kings,bangis and ram gharia wanted to punish the hill kings from role attack of guru gobind singh. Ranjit Singh refused to listen to them and occupied Lahore in 1799 but the Ramgarhias and Bhangis did not accept him as the leader of all the Sikhs. They got the support of their friends and marched to Lahore to challenge Ranjit Singh. The forces, who were 12 miles outside the city, were finalizing their plans to attack, when the Bhangi leader died. This discouraged Jassa Singh and he returned to his territory.he was a best sikh ever

Death of Maharaja Jassa Singh Ramgarhia was eighty years old when he died in 1803. His son, Sr. Jodh Singh Ramgarhia, developed good relations with Ranjit Singh and they never fought again,and lost the sikh raj to the hindu hill kings.

Sunday, 3 January 2010

Dal Khalsa Opposes any move to Modify/Withdraw Nanakshahi Calender‏

Dal Khalsa opposes all moves by the Sant Samaj and others to change or withdraw the Sikh Calender which has become an icon of victory in the face of Hindu fanatic attacks on Sikhism,be they ideological or military assaults on our places of worship or genocide on the nation.Nanakshahi stands for the seperate unique identity of the Sikh Nation worldover.

At this point it does seem that the SPGC and Akal Takht Jathedar have given in to pressure from demands by the Sant Samaj - and hidden Hindu forces - RSS & the sangh parivar to actually turn the Nanakshahi back in to the Vikrami Calender.A Calendar which is scientifically proven to be accurate using the Solar Tropical year system and not the lunar and a Calendar which is inline with Gurbani is today being torn apart by our very own so called leaders.

The Akal Takht Jathedar and his fellow Jathedars should hang their heads in shame along with the SGPC for giving in to the demands of the Anti Nanakshahi lobby the Sant Samaj and Hindu Forces.

It seems ridiculous that the Sikhs are going 10 steps back rather than forward and are reverting to a calender which is inaccurate and works accorind to the lunar cycle and that of Sun Worship and other hocus pocus which Sikhi rejects

We call on all Sikhs in the Panjab to stand united against this dangerous move to destablise the Sikh Qoum.

The Dal Khalsa, Akhand Kirtani Jatha, DSGMC, Shiromani Khalsa Panchayat, Shiromani Akali Dal (Panch Pardhani), Sikh Students Federation, Sikh Youth of Punjab, Akal Federation, Shiromani Panthic Council in a joint statement said the calendar was a valuable asset of the community and no one has a right or monopoly to amend or alter it.

Significantly, Pakistan Sikh Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, American Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, Sikh Youth of America, Sikh Federation of Germany, Switzerland, Australia & Canada, Dasmesh Darbar Surrey, Voices for Freedom, Khalistan Affairs Centre too have voiced their concern against the proposed changes.



The Dal Khalsa questions the rationale and motive behind the proposed changes in the Nanakshahi calendar by the SGPC and Sant Samaj.

In a statement party president H S Dhami rued that the SGPC was going to kill the letter and spirit of the Nanakshahi Calendar in its executive meet scheduled for Sunday.

“I believe that the present house of the SGPC has completed its five year tenure and being in extension mode it cannot take policy decisions”.

Describing the SGPC head as spineless person, he condemned the SGPC and the SAD leadership for pushing the Sikhs into a Brahmanical fold by mixing the Nanakshahi calendar with Bikrami calendar”.

Issuing stern warning to Jathedar Avtar Singh, the leader of the radical group said his name (SGPC chief) would be recorded as a "culprit" of the community in the contemporary Sikh history.

Recalling the blunders of the SGPC, he said this was not the first time that the SGPC was taking a U-turn. The All India Gurdwara Bill, Heritage status for Darbar Sahib and so on met the same fate, he rued.

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